Lemmygrad’s resident expert on fascism’ — GrainEater, 2024

The political desperadoes and ignoramuses, who say they would “Rather be Dead than Red”, should be told that no one will stop them from committing suicide, but they have no right to provoke a third world war.’ — Morris Kominsky, 1970

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Cake day: 2019年8月27日

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  • Presently I am intentionally minimizing my exposure to the news, and I was reluctant to touch this topic because, quite honestly, I’d rather not deal with any drama that could result, but I feel like I need to address a few points to satiate my conscience:

    Let me start off by admitting that yes, these polls are probably accurate. It is disappointing for us who are interested in Jewish people for historical or cultural reasons, and given that there is a superabundance of evidence for both the IOF’s atrocities and the unsustainability of the Herzlian project, it is becoming very difficult to excuse the persistent approval of the so-called ‘Jewish state’. At this point, it is tempting to write off Jewish Herzlians as lost causes; most of them should have gotten the message by now.

    The problem is comparable to how many Catholics — including Irish ones — tolerated the Fascist invasion of Ethiopia. In fact, it was overwhelmingly common for diaspora Italians to approve of Benito Mussolini:

    The Italian-American press, it should be remembered, was almost 90 percent pro-Mussolini. Not until 1941 did the press completely desert Il Duce, and then the repudiation of Fascism was a result of diplomatic developments rather than political repentance.

    (Source.)

    Although the leadership of Italian-American labor stood unalterably opposed to Fascism, the rank-and-file Italian worker entertained ambivalent and even affectionate feelings for the “new Italy” and the charismatic Mussolini. These deep emotions surfaced particularly during the Ethiopian War when Italian labor unions, like Local 89 of the ILGWU, assailed Il Duce’s aggression only to be denounced by their own workers.

    […]

    Significantly, the small number of anti-Fascists, who numbered “optimistically” a little less than 10 percent of a total Italian-American population of 4,600,000 in 1930, could never successfully attack Mussolini without incurring the stigma of being “un-Italian.”

    (Source.)

    I could share more, but the point is that we’ve seen almost all of this before: indoctrination, overwhelming consensus, intolerance towards the dissidents, &c. Nonetheless, sooner or later the Jewish mainstream is going to outgrow Herzlianism just like most people in the Italian diaspora outgrew Fascism. As I said, the Herzlian project is unsustainable.

    While ideally trying to educate ordinary Jews about Herzlianism’s consequences is the optimistic message to take from this, I won’t hold it against you if you see that as a waste of time; they should have jumped ship a long time ago when the evidence for Herzlianism’s atrocities was more abundant than ever. In all honesty, I suspect that only a minority of Catholics and Italians loss interest in Fascism because of antifascist education; most of the disinterest was because of Fascism losing, and a similar effect is likely to happen with Herzlianism. In any event, none of that should stop us from continuing to educate others on Herzlianism’s consequences, including its consequences for Jewish people (‘counterintuitive’ though that may seem).

    So yes, as disappointed as I am to say it, ordinary Jews approving of the occupation is probably accurate. The approval is likely, in most cases, an uninformed or a casual one (as was likely for many diaspora Italians regarding Fascism), for whatever that may be worth. Whatever the case may be, I reconcile this with my respect for Jewish cultures by cherishing the Jewish critics of Zionism (many of whom rightfully prioritize Palestinian voices) and by understanding that Herzlianism’s decline is inevitable, which is soon to render its popularity among ordinary Jews obsolete.





  • Environmentalism survived—and even thrived—in Stalin’s Soviet Union, establishing levels of protection unparalleled anywhere in the world, although for only one component of the Soviet environment: the immense forests of the Russian heartland.¹

    Throughout the early Soviet period, the agencies in charge of timber extraction repeatedly pressed for greater latitude, advancing visions of highly engineered, regularized woodlands while employing aggressive, revolutionary rhetoric. Yet with one quickly reversed exception, the Politburo consistently rejected the drive toward hyperindustrialism in the forest.

    After briefly capitulating to the industrialists’ unrelenting attacks on conservationism in 1929, Stalin’s government reversed course, and in the 1930s and 1940s set aside ever larger tracts of Russia’s most valuable forests as preserves, off-limits to industrial exploitation. Forest protection ultimately rose to such prominence during the last six years of Stalin’s rule that the Politburo took control of the Soviet forest away from the Ministry of Heavy Industry, and elevated the nation’s forest conservation bureau to the dominant position in implementing policy.

    The results of this struggle for supremacy in the forest, which pitted the party leadership against those very bureaucratic interests assigned to carry out the party’s industrial ambitions, show that environmental protection could find a place in a rapidly industrializing [government] as aggressive as Stalin’s—provided that the reasons given for protection were sufficiently pragmatic, and the supporting faction sufficiently powerful.

    (Source.)




































  • When I was at Tishʻa Bʼav service a few hours ago, the Rabbi made no mention of the pogroms of 1917–1923 (but did mention the 1929 Hebron massacre as well as the Oct. 7th incident). When I asked him after the service why he omitted these events, he justified it on the grounds that mentioning every anti-Jewish atrocity would have taken too long. I then said that that era was very significant, and he brushed it aside saying that Tishʻa Bʼav is mostly about the destruction of the Temple anyway. (Although the service spent only a little time on the Temple.)

    I know that asking for some recognition of the Palestinians—beyond mentioning the ‘Arabs’ behind the Hebron massacre—would have been an ‘outrageous’ demand, but I would have at least expected the clergy to mention the largest anti-Jewish massacre before the 1940s. I sent the Rabbi an email about the subject, but as I was rushing I carelessly left in the part where I wrote, ‘While most Herzlians insist that the Shoah was so unique that it was incomparable to anything else in history, it would be utterly baffling if they explicitly included this catastrophe as something else incomparable to the Shoah, which is possibly another reason that they almost never discuss it.’ If he ever reads that email then I get the feeling that he is not going to take that comment lightly; it would be so typical for me if I received an extreme reaction.

    I can’t say that I was satisfied with the service, but oh well; it wasn’t for me. If it makes somebody sleep easier at night, good for them.

    ETA: The Rabbi replied to my email with this:

    Thank you for sharing. I am not sure I would call it a photo-shoah, but it was certainly part of the larger history of anti-Jewish violence in Europe. And you are right, it deserves more attention.

    I’m surprised that he overlooked my potshot. Maybe he was unsure how to interpret the word ‘Herzlian’.