PbSO4 [comrade/them]

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Joined 4 years ago
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Cake day: July 29th, 2020

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  • Changing material conditions to foster the development of a proletarian class is a solid theory of how to build working class power and consciousness. You might deride it as just infrastructure, but the workers who maintain and transport goods on that infrastructure (as well as the people who provide goods and services to those workers, and so on and so forth) now have more economic power and ability to organize in solidarity with each other than subsistence farmers would have against their landlords. And before anyone can build, say, a tractor factory, there must first be adequate infrastructure to supply said factory and take its finished goods to internal as well as potentially foreign markets.











  • Historically, indefinitely.

    A case remarkable for its singular, improbable nature makes a poor argument for calculated policy.

    I don’t understand this notion of ‘most legitimate heir’ that keeps cropping up

    Then pick a different name for it, “person whose claim to the throne could mobilize the most rubles, guns, and hands to hold them”. Non-legitimate claimants may still gain the throne by force of arms motivated by virtue of their adjacency to the last legitimate holder of power. The law exists, but its ability to influence action and the ways it will be rhetorically implemented are not cut and dry. Legally, Peter I was a non-legitimate Tsar while Ivan V should have ruled alone, but de jure legitimacy and “that quality which will motivate believers in a feudal monarchy to support a candidate materially” are not one and the same. “Being the child of the last guy” is a rhetorically resonant plank for such a believer.