dylan_g [none/use name]

  • 0 Posts
  • 79 Comments
Joined 1 year ago
cake
Cake day: February 25th, 2025

help-circle










  • The important part is the action and reflection - to try and to learn - to put theory to practice and synthesize new tactics and strategies in tandem with the masses in active struggle.

    We could spend the next year online arguing about the correct approach having read this or that text (some have already done so), but unless someone actually tries in the real world, we’ll end up with a bookshelf of lofty ideas and nothing else to show.

    I would assume the strategy in twin cities was taken because rapid response wasn’t seen as a gap the party was needed for. Maybe it was growing organically and sufficiently, or the space was already fairly saturated with existing organizations. Maybe they might already work with some and not want to create division by working in parallel.

    Conversely they probably saw the party in this instance better suited to push consciousness and push the struggle beyond rapid response, to intensify broader political organizing and coalitions. After all as anyone organizing on the ground knows, rapid response alone will not be enough to win. (This is just my spitballing on how the decision may have been made, take it with a grain of salt).








  • Reframing this concession as a surrender is the kind of unserious, reductionist analysis that comes from the online left. The revolution is not surrendered, point blank. Decontextualized comparisons to Korea or Vietnam are a special kind of negligence but lets go down that route: the asymmetry in military capabilities today is wider than it ever was during those wars; they both bordered china which gave them easy access to material support from China and Russia via rail, they could not be blockaded; they both evolved from existing national liberation struggles given the ultimatum of surrendering state power or engaging in war; I could go on and on.

    The point is: it is dogmatic to say with these conditions that you know better than the Venezuelan leadership, and they should enter conflict and destroy the lives of millions of people like pawns in a strategy PC game.

    To quote Amilcar Cabral:

    Always remember that the people are not fighting for ideas, nor for what is in men’s minds. The people fight and accept the sacrifices demanded by the struggle in order to gain material advantages, to live better and in peace, to benefit from progress, and for the better future of their children. National liberation, the struggle against colonialism, the construction of peace, progress and independence are hollow words devoid of any significance unless they can be translated into a real improvement of living conditions.


  • I think there’s a lot of analysis in this vein stemming from a sort of “never retreat, never concede” additude. If someone points a gun to your head and says gimme your wallet, and you decide “I can find a way to make money, but I can’t get a second life” and hand over the wallet, that means you would survive, it doesn’t mean you betrayed yourself.

    Was the the Molotov Rinbentrop pact a great betrayal to the Bolshevik revolution signalling the end? No, they made concessions in order to survive, and bide their time. I think it’s a bit dogmatic to say the Venezuelan leadership are betraying the revolution when they’re still in power and perfectly intact.